OIM - Climate Chains, Knowledge Bite 1 - Climate, Trafficking and Gender de 2025

CLIMATE CHAINS Climate, Trafficking and Gender KNOWLEDGE BITE 1The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well‑being of migrants. _____________________________ This material has been funded by UK International Development from the Government of the United Kingdom through the Modern Slavery Innovation Fund; however, the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the official policies of the Government of the United Kingdom.

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PUB2025/034/ELCLIMATE CHAINS

Climate, Trafficking and Gender KNOWLEDGE BITE 1Climate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 1 Purpose The purpose of this knowledge bite is to help international policymakers, donors, implementing partners, national and local governments, and civil society in better understanding how climate affects women’s vulnerability to trafficking, and what actions can be taken to enhance their protection. This knowledge bite is based on research commissioned by IOM as part of the Climate Resilience Against Trafficking and Exploitation (CREATE) project. The research was conducted in Ethiopia and the Philippines – interesting countries to study because of their contrasts. Both countries are affected by slow‑onset climate change, but the Philippines frequently experiences sudden‑onset events such as typhoons, while Ethiopia is significantly impacted by specific types of acute slow‑onset disasters, notably droughts. The research used an exploratory mixed‑methods approach, combining quantitative data collection (195 surveys in Ethiopia and 560 in the Philippines) with qualitative methods, including 72 focus group discussions, key informant interviews and in‑depth interviews. What is the climate change– trafficking chain? This research found that climate events and trafficking are linked through a complex series of intertwined steps. This causal chain can be affected by a range of contextual factors at the individual, household, community and structural levels. Climate events reduce livelihood options and increase vulnerability; this increases pressure to migrate and reduces the resources that can be used to plan migration journeys. This, in turn, leads individuals to undertake journeys that involve higher risks of trafficking and exploitation. •

the individual, household, community and structural levels. Climate events reduce livelihood options and increase vulnerability; this increases pressure to migrate and reduces the resources that can be used to plan migration journeys. This, in turn, leads individuals to undertake journeys that involve higher risks of trafficking and exploitation. • Climate events reduce household income and assets and limit livelihood options. Climate events can reduce household income, for example, through lowering yields for fisherfolks or smallholder farmers. They can also destroy assets, such as boats damaged by typhoons or public infrastructure deteriorating in dry conditions. Households try to mitigate these risks by adopting diversification strategies, such as combining farming with running a shop. However, their ability to diversify is limited when incomes are low. • Climate events increase vulnerability, with a disproportionate effect on already vulnerable communities and households. In areas with low‑income households and lack sufficient infrastructure, climate events can have a disproportionate effect. These communities have limited infrastructure, and destruction of the little infrastructure that exists has a disproportionate impact. When households are displaced due to flooding or typhoons, they have fewer resources to cope with additional costs.Climate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 2 • Livelihoods and vulnerability are strongly interlinked and can generate a negative spiral. Reduction of livelihood income, assets and options can increase vulnerability, and conversely increasing vulnerability can have negative effects on livelihood. For example, households with low income may not be able to afford medical care for a family member who is ill. This not only reduces household productivity but also generates a long‑term drain on household income. • Decreasing livelihood and/or increasing vulnerability can increase migration intentions, both internally and internationally, but can prevent migration actions. Reduced livelihood and increased vulnerability increases the desire to migrate, as individuals perceive that they can earn more money through movement. However, when resources are constrained, individuals may not act on migration intentions for financial reasons. This research confirmed that decreasing livelihood and increasing vulnerability increased migration intentions but did not establish the subsequent effect on migration actions.

individuals perceive that they can earn more money through movement. However, when resources are constrained, individuals may not act on migration intentions for financial reasons. This research confirmed that decreasing livelihood and increasing vulnerability increased migration intentions but did not establish the subsequent effect on migration actions. • Increased migration intentions, in the context of lower resources and higher vulnerability, can increase risk of trafficking. There is a clear relationship between lack of livelihood options and use of irregular migration. Irregular migrants, in turn, have fewer options to access safe employment once they arrive in a new country. This lack of access is often compounded by low literacy and limited awareness of their context. In this way, climate change can erode livelihoods and increase vulnerability, thus increasing migration intentions; the use of irregular migration routes to meet these intentions then increases exposure to trafficking and exploitation. Climate and trafficking causal chain

Factors increasing risk of exploitations Government Weak policy framework Reactive responses Community Access to resources Geographic location Individual Gender, age, educational status Factors reducing risk of exploitation Government Strong embassies Infrastructure Community Access to resources Geographic location Individual Access to information Access to financial resources Reduced livelihoods options Climate change (slow and sudden onset) Various impacts (health, educational) Increasing vulnerability Increasing pressure to migrate Higher risk of exploitation Source: Authors’ own elaboration.Climate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 3 Are women more affected by the climate change–trafficking chain? This research found that women are disproportionately vulnerable to the climate change– trafficking chain. The climate change–trafficking chain consists of several links, as previously outlined, and women are more affected than men by three of these links: (a) the weather event itself; (b) drops in income or assets; and (c) vulnerability. Of the respondents in Ethiopia, 15 per cent identified women as a particularly vulnerable group to weather events,

outlined, and women are more affected than men by three of these links: (a) the weather event itself; (b) drops in income or assets; and (c) vulnerability. Of the respondents in Ethiopia, 15 per cent identified women as a particularly vulnerable group to weather events, and 10 per cent of respondents in the Philippines; in both countries, women were among the top three groups considered vulnerable to weather issues. Female‑headed households were perceived to be more vulnerable to weather events, and within individual households, women were more likely to migrate to compensate for the effects of climate events. Women were also considered particularly vulnerable to the effects of a drop in income or assets (14% of respondents in Ethiopia and 11% of respondents in the Philippines). In both Ethiopia and the Philippines, women were considered more vulnerable (21% in Ethiopia identified women as a vulnerable group, and 12% in the Philippines). Female‑headed households are more likely to be affected by the climate change– trafficking chain, and within male‑headed households, women are still more likely to be disproportionately affected. The climate change–trafficking chain has a disproportionate effect both on female‑headed households and women in male‑headed households, but vulnerability operates differently for these two groups. For female‑headed households, income and asset levels are likely to be lower than community averages. Climate events that reduce agricultural productivity disproportionately lower income in female‑headed households and trigger asset sales; this disproportionate effect on household income level drives increased migration intentions. In contrast, in male‑headed households, there is a perception that men are responsible for household assets, and thus it is more appropriate for women to go abroad and work; this is linked to disproportionate exposure to exploitation. How are women affected through the migration journey? How do women make the decision to migrate? Migration decisions in both Ethiopia and the Philippines are made by the whole household, even when only women migrate. Often, women migrate specifically to support households to meet either emergency or long‑term needs. For example, in the Philippines, cultural norms dictate that men take responsibility

How do women make the decision to migrate? Migration decisions in both Ethiopia and the Philippines are made by the whole household, even when only women migrate. Often, women migrate specifically to support households to meet either emergency or long‑term needs. For example, in the Philippines, cultural norms dictate that men take responsibility for farming, fishing and household assets. Therefore, after a sudden‑onset weather event, it is more likely that women will migrate to earn money for rebuilding. Many of these women migrate to Gulf countries for domestic work, where demand for such labour is high. In Ethiopia, women’s migration intentions may be based on imperfect – and more specificallyClimate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 4 worse – information compared to men. Of the female survey respondents in Ethiopia, 23 per cent stated that they do not know how much income they earn, compared to only 8 per cent of men. This means that women’s migration decisions in Ethiopia may be unduly influenced by other household members, rather than clear facts about household income and assets. What routes do women take to migrate, and how do they differ from the routes men take to migrate? In the Philippines, men and women take similar routes – generally regular channels – to migrate. Both men and women use recruitment agents and generally understand that recruitment agents must be registered with the Government of the Philippines. Pre‑departure briefings are also attended by both men and women. Perhaps associated with this strong use of regular migration routes, Filipino women do not experience significant protection risks en route. In contrast, in the target communities in Ethiopia, both women and men primarily use irregular migration routes; identified through smuggling networks with strong presence in their local communities. While men and women in Ethiopia use the same routes, they are subject to differential risks along the way. Men are more likely to experience physical abuse, whereas women are more likely to experience gender‑based violence during migration from Ethiopia to Gulf countries. Women are also more likely to approach smugglers through male counterparts, which increases risks of exploitation. What do women experience upon arrival? Women migrating from the target communities in

whereas women are more likely to experience gender‑based violence during migration from Ethiopia to Gulf countries. Women are also more likely to approach smugglers through male counterparts, which increases risks of exploitation. What do women experience upon arrival? Women migrating from the target communities in Ethiopia and the Philippines are generally seeking domestic work in Gulf countries. While in the destination country, women are subject to exploitative circumstances, with both physical and sexual abuse prevalent. Other indicators of exploitation are also cited frequently, such as the following: (a) withholding passports; (b) denial of freedom of movement; (c) excessive working hours; (d) inadequate and unsafe working conditions such as lack of sanitation facilities; (e) insufficient meal breaks; and (f) inadequate or inappropriate living facilities. What protective factors exist for women in destination countries? Women from Ethiopia primarily rely on other Ethiopian migrants and regular communication with family and friends. Embassies are a potential source of support, but not all women are aware they can access this assistance. For women from the Philippines, where regular migration is common, majority of women returnees who took part in the research received a pre‑departure briefing, which provided information on how to access assistance in case of difficulties overseas. Such information may help protect women in the destination country. Some of the women returnees who took part in the research had used the embassy to access support.Climate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 5 What interventions can support women? • International actors should mainstream gender considerations into climate and migration policy frameworks. Women are particularly affected by the climate change–trafficking chain; therefore, climate and migration policy should mainstream gender considerations, including analysis of the extent to which existing policy interventions are relevant to men and women and any differential gender impacts. • International donors should support targeted actions that address the needs of women. International donors can contribute to reducing the risk of particularly vulnerable groups, including women that work directly with these groups. Such programmes should be strongly localized and build on existing evidence‑based

• International donors should support targeted actions that address the needs of women. International donors can contribute to reducing the risk of particularly vulnerable groups, including women that work directly with these groups. Such programmes should be strongly localized and build on existing evidence‑based practices; a range of such programmes exists in both Ethiopia and the Philippines.

Some specific examples of potential programmes include the following: (a) supporting the construction of infrastructure that meets the needs and requirements of women; (b) promoting awareness‑raising and training for women specifically about social norms and exploitation; and (c) supporting resilience programmes (such as income diversification approaches and asset building) that targets women specifically. • National government actors should collaborate with local governments and community leaders to reach out to women specifically in building resilience to the climate change–trafficking chain. National governments should have a strong idea of the specific challenges facing women and the social norms that affect their participation. National governments can and should conduct exercises to identify good practices for strengthening women’s resilience and build on these practices. In the Philippines, pre‑departure briefings and activities and approaches of the Overseas Worker Welfare Administration (OWWA) provide best practices. In Ethiopia, the Government has delivered positive activities with regards to agriculture, but more efforts may be required to support income diversification and resilience specifically for women.Climate Chains Knowledge Bite 1: Climate, Trafficking and Gender 6 A story of climate‑related exploitation My family depends on agriculture. My husband is a farmer, but over many years, the yield had decreased, and we had fewer savings. There was a big typhoon; our house was totally damaged, and we tried to patch it up, but we did not have enough savings to do the repairs. I left to try to earn money so that we could repair our house. Our children were still so young when I left. The youngest was two years old. After the typhoon, I went to a recruiter who was legitimate. I asked to see their paperwork, and they had a licence and a government permit. They got me a job abroad in a Gulf country, where I worked as domestic help.

After the typhoon, I went to a recruiter who was legitimate. I asked to see their paperwork, and they had a licence and a government permit. They got me a job abroad in a Gulf country, where I worked as domestic help. After a year in the job, they started physically hurting me. All kinds of maltreatment were done to me. I was physically abused by my employer. I also suffered from sexual harassment, but it was not that much. I contacted the recruiter through whom I got the job, but he brushed off this treatment and told me to let the employer do what he wants. In the end, my employer removed my Internet connection so I cannot tell anyone that they were hurting me. But during Ramadan, my male boss forcibly opened the door to my room, and I fought back. I was locked up in the room at the top floor of the house for four days. I had nothing; they got my passport, my phone, my money, my clothes. My female boss just brought me food. They took me on a 600‑km journey. I was sold to a close relative of my male boss. After I was sold, my new female boss and the children abused me. The children were biting me and physically hurting me with a fork. Their mother encouraged them to just hurt me. For three months, I had no meals. I only had tea to drink and bread to eat. I reported my case to OWWA who started processing it, despite the fact that the recruitment agency hid my situation. But things got so bad that I was afraid for my life. The first employer and the second employer started fighting with each other, and I overheard conversations where they seemed to have bad plans for me. It was pure luck that I found my passport hidden in one shelf, inside a box. I did not do anything with it for three weeks. But when things became very difficult, and my employers were thinking of hurting me, I got my passport from its hiding place. When my employers were out, I left. I wore five underwear, one pair of pants, a shirt and the abaya to cover my head. I brought with me the padlock and all my luggage.

I got my passport from its hiding place. When my employers were out, I left. I wore five underwear, one pair of pants, a shirt and the abaya to cover my head. I brought with me the padlock and all my luggage. I went to the Philippine Embassy, since that was the advice from OWWA at the pre‑departure briefing. It was Christmas Eve, and no one was there, but eventually somebody waved and let me in. I got in the Embassy, and I told my story to the staff at the Philippine Overseas Labour Office (POLO). POLO negotiated my release from my employer, an exit visa and my return home.

Source: Story adapted from an in‑depth interview conducted in the Philippines.International Organization for Migration (IOM) 17 route des Morillons, P.O. Box 17, 1211 Geneva 19, Switzerland

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