OIM - World Migration Report 2026 Chapter 7

NIKKI HERWENGER

MARIE MCAULIFFE CAROLINA MORENO NAZIYE DIRIKGILThe opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. _____________________________ Publisher: International Organization for Migration 17 route des Morillons P.O. Box 17 1211 Geneva 19

Switzerland T el.: +41 22 717 9111

Fax: +41 22 798 6150

Email: hq@iom.int Website: www.iom.int Cover photo: The Bentiu Protection of Civilians (PoC) site in South Sudan was established during the country’s civil war to shelter people fleeing violence. Over the years, it has become one of the largest displacement sites in the country, hosting tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs).

© IOM 2024/Muse MOHAMMED Required citation: Herwenger, N., M. McAuliffe, C. Moreno and N. Dirikgil (2026). Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions. In:  World Migration Report 2026 (M. McAuliffe and P. Ceriani Cernadas, eds.). International Organization for Migration (IOM), Geneva. _____________________________ © IOM 2026 Some rights reserved. This work is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0

IGO License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO).

Organization for Migration (IOM), Geneva. _____________________________ © IOM 2026 Some rights reserved. This work is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 IGO License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 IGO). For further specifications please see the Copyright and T erms of Use. This publication should not be used, published or redistributed for purposes primarily intended for or directed towards commercial advantage or monetary compensation, with the exception of educational purposes e.g.  to  be included in textbooks.

Permissions: Requests for commercial use or further rights and licensing should be submitted to publications@iom.int. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/igo/legalcode

PUB2025/026/L/71

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2026

7

INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT: TRENDS, RESPONSES

AND SOLUTIONS1,2

Introduction The issue of internal displacement is a critical topic that demands attention due to the unprecedented number of internally displaced people (IDPs). Of the 117.3 million people identified as displaced at the end of June 2025, 58 per cent were IDPs.3 Furthermore, many IDPs have been internally displaced for a long time, with no durable solutions in sight. 4 With escalating global conflicts and the increasingly visible effects of climate change, widespread awareness of the impacts, trends, responses and preventative actions related to internal displacement is both urgently needed and necessary to inspire effective action. Despite this, internal displacement continues to be overshadowed by cross-border movements in public discourse and government priorities. Although more visible on the international stage, the number of people involved in cross-border displacement is significantly lower than the number of individuals displaced within their own national territories. 5 Large-scale and long-term internal displacement crises have lasting negative impacts on affected populations, the communities that host (and, when able, support) them, governments, economies and the stability of entire regions of the world. While internal displacement describes the movement of people within the borders of an individual territory, it is clear that this is an issue of global concern.

displacement crises have lasting negative impacts on affected populations, the communities that host (and, when able, support) them, governments, economies and the stability of entire regions of the world. While internal displacement describes the movement of people within the borders of an individual territory, it is clear that this is an issue of global concern. Figure 1. Global numbers of internally displaced people since 2015 (millions) 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 2024/uni00A02023/uni00A02022/uni00A02021/uni00A02020/uni00A02019/uni00A02018/uni00A02017/uni00A02016/uni00A02015/uni00A0 40.5m 38.9m 39.4m 40.6m 49.1m 54.1m 58.1m 69.8m 74.6m 83.4m

Source: IDMC, 2025a.

Note: Disaster data were made available in 2019, which may have contributed to the sharp increase that followed. The number for each year reflects the number of IDPs at the end of that year. 1 Nikki Herwenger, independent consultant; Marie McAuliffe, Head of IOM Research (until July 2025) and independent consultant; Carolina Moreno, Associate Professor, Universidad de los Andes; Naziye Dirikgil, Assistant Professor, Sakarya University. 2 The research and analyses included in this chapter were current at the time of writing (August 2025). 3 UNHCR, 2025. 4 IOM, 2023. 5 UNHCR, 2024.2

Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions Between 2018 and 2024, the number of IDPs worldwide has dramatically surged, more than doubling to reach a record 83.4 million by the end of 2024. 6 This sharp rise was driven by a combination of escalating armed conflicts – particularly in countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan and Ukraine – and

a record 83.4 million by the end of 2024. 6 This sharp rise was driven by a combination of escalating armed conflicts – particularly in countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan and Ukraine – and the increasing frequency and severity of natural hazard-induced disasters like floods, storms and droughts. 7 The addition of disaster displacement data to the global estimates in 2019 is partially responsible for the steep increase observed. However, protracted crises in countries such as Afghanistan, the Syrian Arab Republic and Yemen also contributed significantly to this growth in internal displacement, as millions have remained displaced for extended periods without access to durable solutions. The increase in frequency and magnitude of displacement events over this period, alongside the growing challenge of long-term displacement and the significant economic cost of displacement, underscore the need for urgent action. 8 This chapter aims to provide an overview of our contemporary understanding of internal displacement. It covers core concepts, key frameworks and data while also addressing the limitations in the current knowledge base and responses. Further, the chapter reviews responses from both governments and the international community, including non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and outlines preventative actions. The objective is to illustrate the significance of internal displacement, highlighting its far-reaching international implications, developmental impacts and the human costs on a global scale. Core concepts The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (GPIDs) are a keystone international framework on internal displacement: [T]hese principles identify rights and guarantees relevant to the protection of persons from forced displacement, as well as their protection and assistance during displacement, return, or resettlement and reintegration. 9 The GPIDs cover four focus areas: protection against displacement; protection during displacement; humanitarian assistance; and protection during return and resettlement. Although they are grounded in international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and, by analogy, in refugee law, they are not strictly legally binding. 10 Protecting IDPs is consequently treated more as a matter of public policy than a legal obligation. 11 In this context, experts argue that the GPIDs should be incorporated into law at relevant levels, including domestic law. 12

Protecting IDPs is consequently treated more as a matter of public policy than a legal obligation. 11 In this context, experts argue that the GPIDs should be incorporated into law at relevant levels, including domestic law. 12 6 IDMC, 2025a. 7 Ibid. 8 Estimated annual disaster-related economic losses in the Asia-Pacific region reached about USD 780 billion in 2021 (approximately 2.5% of regional GDP), with housing and infrastructure damages representing only part of the impact; displacement costs remain largely unassessed (IDMC, 2022). 9 United Nations, 1998. 10 Cantor, 2018; Ferris, 2008. 11 Cantor, 2018. 12 Kälin, 2018.3

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2026

And in fact, although the GPIDs are not legally binding under international law, they have served as a foundation for legal regulations at both national and regional levels. At the regional level, African States adopted the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa, commonly referred to as the Kampala Convention, which endows these non-binding principles with the force of law across the continent. By August 2024, 34 of the African Union’s 55 member States had ratified the Kampala Convention. 13 Most laws and policies regarding internal displacement primarily address issues related to conflict and violence as drivers of such displacement. While only a subset of these instruments tackles displacement caused by disasters, it is noteworthy that there is a growing number of laws and policies that specifically address disaster-induced displacement. 14 The definition of IDPs in the GPIDs also refers to drivers of displacement, stating that IDPs are: [P]ersons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized State border.15 The movement of IDPs, then, represents one form of human mobility within the broader migration spectrum. T wo

to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized State border.15 The movement of IDPs, then, represents one form of human mobility within the broader migration spectrum. T wo key components arise from the GPID definition of IDPs. First, the displacement of these individuals is inherently involuntary. Second, this form of mobility occurs within national borders, distinguishing IDPs from refugees, who, by definition, cross international boundaries. For IDPs, the national and local authorities in the country of residence are primarily tasked with providing protection and assistance. However, in the event that internal displacement crises exceed government capacity to respond, governments invite support from international organizations and NGOs to form a coordinated emergency response. Therefore, the definition also has a more specific purpose, which is to determine the situations that require international action on behalf of IDPs. Conversely, for refugees, the authorities of the admitting or destination country – those that are signatories to the Refugee Convention – are responsible for offering support, because the refugees fall under the international protection regime through Refugee Convention. In both cases, the institutional capacity of the State is an important critical feature of effective responses. Importantly, when IDPs move within national borders, this does not always occur in their country of citizenship. IDPs can also be foreign nationals who experience displacement within a country. This happens when migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers – who have already crossed international borders – face additional displacement in their transit or destination country. This situation is common in countries facing crises from environmental disasters, armed conflicts, terrorism, failures of political and economic management, epidemics, pandemics and global financial downturns.16 Venezuelan nationals in Colombia illustrate this point clearly. Colombia has the largest Venezuelan community worldwide, with nearly 3  million residing in the country by July 2025. 17 At the same time, Colombia faces an ongoing crisis from its unresolved internal armed conflict. As a result of this, Venezuelan migrants and refugees may become victims of this conflict and experience internal displacement, a phenomenon that has been extensively

worldwide, with nearly 3  million residing in the country by July 2025. 17 At the same time, Colombia faces an ongoing crisis from its unresolved internal armed conflict. As a result of this, Venezuelan migrants and refugees may become victims of this conflict and experience internal displacement, a phenomenon that has been extensively documented in this context. Adding further complexity to the definition of internal displacement, these individuals face displacement in a country where they are not citizens and often lack legal migration status, which can worsen their vulnerability as IDPs. For more information, see the text box on migrants in countries in crisis and internal displacement. 13 African Union, 2009 and 2024. 14 Nicolau and Pagot, 2018. 15 United Nations, 1998. 16 McAuliffe and Khadria, 2019. 17 R4V, 2025.4

Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions Migrants in countries in crisis and internal displacement In countries affected by internal displacement crises, international migrants may be amongst internally displaced populations. These international migrants who have been internally displaced in a country in crisis can include students, migrant workers, refugees, pastoralists and members of indigenous nomadic communities who cross borders routinely, amongst others. During a crisis, these diverse migrant groups may require specific support to address their vulnerabilities and needs. a For example, some might need access to services for those without documentation; some might need specific assistance for unaccompanied migrant children; some might need assistance specific to their status as domestic workers within resident households. Crisis response strategies that do not adequately plan for different population groups among those displaced risk creating invisible, underserved populations. b It is therefore vital that definitions of internal displacement also reflect the diversity of population groups, members of which may become IDPs during a crisis. a Majidi et al., 2019. b IOM, n.d.

Drivers of internal displacement As the GDIP definition of IDPs states, the causes of displacement include armed conflict, generalized violence, human rights violations, natural hazard-induced disasters and human-induced disasters. Additionally, although not

during a crisis. a Majidi et al., 2019. b IOM, n.d. Drivers of internal displacement As the GDIP definition of IDPs states, the causes of displacement include armed conflict, generalized violence, human rights violations, natural hazard-induced disasters and human-induced disasters. Additionally, although not specified in the GPID definition, the impact of development projects – such as the construction of infrastructure like roads and dams – can be a driver of internal displacement when population relocations are not appropriately managed. The terminology used to describe the causes of displacement varies, with different actors often using the terms “drivers”, “triggers” and “causes”, sometimes interchangeably. It should be noted that for some actors, “triggers” name the immediate events that cause displacement (such as a flood or a conflict), while “drivers” describe the underlying structural factors or overarching forces that make populations vulnerable to displacement (such as climate change, environmental degradation, poverty and inequality). 18 In this chapter, the term “driver” will be used to refer to causes of displacement. While there is a significant body of research investigating the specific characteristics of different drivers and their impact on internal displacement dynamics,19 in practice, drivers are mostly divided into two main categories. On the one hand, displacement caused by conflict; on the other hand, displacement caused by disaster. Although available IDP statistics usually present drivers in this way, the distinction between these drivers is not as straightforward as it may seem. There can be multiple or connected drivers of displacement that underpin movements. For example, armed conflict may arise due to disputes over natural resources related to depletion due to disaster events, such as flooding or drought. An often-cited case is that of Syrian internal displacement due to intercommunal conflict, which is considered to have roots in growing scarcity of resources due to drought conditions. 20 Furthermore, populations displaced by one driver may also be affected or redisplaced by other drivers, as has been the case in contexts like South Sudan, where people displaced by conflict have also been exposed to severe flooding in recent years. 21 18 IDMC, 2025b. 19 Cantor, 2024.

displaced by one driver may also be affected or redisplaced by other drivers, as has been the case in contexts like South Sudan, where people displaced by conflict have also been exposed to severe flooding in recent years. 21 18 IDMC, 2025b. 19 Cantor, 2024. 20 Gleick, 2014; Selby et al., 2017. 21 IOM, 2025b.5

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2026

State responsibility Since IDPs remain within their own national borders, they are predominantly seen as the responsibility of their respective governments. This is also reflected in the lack of international legal frameworks, except for the Kampala Convention,22 highlighting that “sovereignty remained the cornerstone of the international system, but it began increasingly to be viewed as entailing responsibilities toward one’s citizens”. 23 This perspective implies that the principles of sovereignty and non-interference in internal matters have limited comprehensive international engagement with IDPs. Consequently, the responsibilities of the domestic government encompass protection from displacement, ensuring safety during displacement, and aiding return, resettlement and integration. Even so, it was not until after the 2005 World Summit that a distilled “Framework for National Responsibility” was developed, consisting of a non-exhaustive list of 12 key steps that governments should consider to exercise their national responsibilities regarding the protection of the rights of IDPs. In practice, every country adjusts these obligations to its context, with measures aiming to:

1. Prevent displacement and minimize its adverse effects;

2. Raise national awareness of the problem;

3. Collect data on the numbers and conditions of IDPs;

4. Support training on the rights of IDPs;

5. Create a legal framework for upholding the rights of IDPs;

6. Develop a national policy on internal displacement;

7. Designate an institutional focal point on IDPs;

8. Support national human rights institutions to integrate internal displacement into their work;

9. Ensure the participation of IDPs in decision-making;

10. Support durable solutions for IDPs;

11. Allocate adequate resources to the problem; and

12. Cooperate with the international community, when national capacity is insufficient. 24

Even though domestic authorities are responsible for assisting IDPs, cooperation with the international community is essential when State capacity is limited. Therefore, governments request and accept international assistance when faced with an IDP crisis. 25 This may be observed in the presence of non-governmental actors in responses to internal displacement and the humanitarian funding infrastructure that distributes financing from donor States to States with population groups that are experiencing internal displacement. The end of displacement There is no agreement on when to stop counting a person as displaced. 26 Academics and practitioners have grappled with questions related to multiple displacement, return, loss of land and property, integration in other communities and more, to understand the end of displacement. 27 In the absence of consensus, calculations are 22 Ratified by 34 countries in Africa and not extending to countries outside the continent. 23 Cohen, 2014. 24 Ferris et al., 2011. 25 Cohen, 2014. 26 Mooney, 2005. 27 McDowell and Morrell, 2010.6

Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions made on a case-by-case basis. Despite this, the international community, in collaboration with governments, has developed and implemented approaches for delivering durable solutions to displacement that are discussed in the “Addressing internal displacement” section of this chapter.

Internal displacement data and trends Contemporary internal displacement is a global phenomenon driven by complex and multifaceted crises that span all regions of the world. Recent surges in conflict – such as those in the Sudan, Ukraine and the Occupied Palestinian T erritory – alongside large-scale disasters – like the earthquakes in the Syrian Arab Republic and Türkiye in 2023 – have significantly shaped today’s displacement landscape. In many regions, displacement is further compounded by

regions of the world. Recent surges in conflict – such as those in the Sudan, Ukraine and the Occupied Palestinian T erritory – alongside large-scale disasters – like the earthquakes in the Syrian Arab Republic and Türkiye in 2023 – have significantly shaped today’s displacement landscape. In many regions, displacement is further compounded by overlapping crises with broader regional implications. For example, the Lake Chad Basin (encompassing Cameroon, Chad, the Niger and Nigeria) and the Liptako-Gourma region (covering Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger) are experiencing multidimensional emergencies marked by extremist violence, political instability and widespread displacement. These areas also feature complex mobility phenomenon, including both regular and irregular migration flows, as well as traditional transhumance routes used by nomadic herders, adding further dimensions to the evolving crises. Within this complex landscape, internal displacement crises intersect with other types of crises and development challenges. Given this complex mobility landscape, collecting accurate data on internal displacement can be a challenge. The text box on definitions summarizes how internal displacement is counted in terms of populations (stocks) and displacements (flows). Defining internally displaced people: “populations” and “displacements” Specific terminology is used to refer to data that reflects different aspects of the movement of IDPs. These key terms include “IDP stocks” and “internal displacements”, as defined by IDMC. a IDP populations or “stocks”. “A static snapshot of the number of IDPs in a given location at a specific point in time. Population movements such as internal displacements or births among IDP communities may increase this number, while returns, cross-border flight and other outflows may decrease it.” Displacements or “flows”. “The total number of movements that have occurred over a period of time is considered a ‘flow’ and the most common type of this metric is called ‘internal displacements’. This metric can include secondary or multiple displacement movements of the same populations.” a IDMC, n.d.a. Data on IDPs serve a wide range of purposes, including being used for humanitarian response, policy, advocacy and resource allocation efforts. They have also been instrumental in achieving recognition of IDPs as a population

multiple displacement movements of the same populations.” a IDMC, n.d.a. Data on IDPs serve a wide range of purposes, including being used for humanitarian response, policy, advocacy and resource allocation efforts. They have also been instrumental in achieving recognition of IDPs as a population of concern for the international community. This recognition came much later than it did for populations fleeing across borders, and was driven by the growing number of IDPs documented in the 1990s. 28 28 Stavropoulou, 2009. The former United Nations Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali submitted the first report on IDPs to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva in 1992.7

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2026

Data are a vital resource for governments and non-government actors at every stage of the response to internal displacement, from the initial life-saving humanitarian response to post-crisis recovery and development. In particular, the scale, scope and coverage of humanitarian data has boomed since the start of a so-called “data revolution” commencing in 2009, marking a radical shift towards more data-driven decision-making. 29 In 2014, the launch of an open data platform (the Humanitarian Data Exchange) made documenting the rapid increase in the production and availability of humanitarian data feasible. Just five years after the launch of this open access archive, the number of data sets hosted on the platform had grown from 800 to over 17,000, reflecting the expanded availability of data for humanitarian response. 30 When examining data on internal displacement specifically, similar increases are evident. IOM currently operates the largest global primary data collection programme for internal displacement, the Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM). The first DTM exercise was launched in Iraq in 2003, and by 2024 the programme was active in 91 countries. 31 This growth in primary data collection has led to enhancements in data consolidation efforts such as the IDMC Internal Displacement Database, which compiles data from diverse sources across 167 countries. 32 Data limitations and challenges An independent review of the humanitarian response to internal displacement found that variations in operating

consolidation efforts such as the IDMC Internal Displacement Database, which compiles data from diverse sources across 167 countries. 32 Data limitations and challenges An independent review of the humanitarian response to internal displacement found that variations in operating environments, context, data collection infrastructure and capacity across countries lead to fragmented and non-comparable operational data. 33 Political sensitivities and decisions on geographic coverage also affect the completeness and accuracy of data. 34 Furthermore, government statistics rarely reflect internal displacement, and national censuses do not generally distinguish IDPs from other populations. As a result, comparative and longitudinal analysis is challenging, reducing the analytical potential of data. Despite these limitations, progress has been made in addressing data variability and fragmentation, including some progress towards consistency in line with the 2020 International Recommendations on Internally Displaced Persons Statistics (IRIS), which provides a framework for standardization.35 Operational tools like the DTM Data Kit also help practitioners implement this standardization in the field with practical resources for data collection, including survey question banks, form builders and a data validation application, all aligned with institutional and inter-agency standards. 36 Nevertheless, challenges persist, including data literacy gaps among users, ethical issues in data use and collection and challenges associated with the use of advanced data science methods. In addition to this, persistent data gaps on key populations continue to challenge the representativeness of data regarding IDPs.

Diversity and inequality: data gaps for key groups of internally displaced people Internally displaced populations are not a single, uniform group. Their experiences, needs and vulnerabilities vary widely, based on a range of intersecting factors such as: • Age, particularly as regards the elderly and very young; • Gender and sexual orientation; 29 DSEG, 2020. 30 Centre for Humanitarian Data, 2020. 31 IOM, 2025a. 32 IDMC, n.d.b. 33 Sida et al., 2024. 34 Lewis and Herwanger, 2022. 35 EGRIS, 2020. 36 IOM, 2025g.8

Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions • Health status and physical or mental ability;

32 IDMC, n.d.b. 33 Sida et al., 2024. 34 Lewis and Herwanger, 2022. 35 EGRIS, 2020. 36 IOM, 2025g.8

Internal displacement: trends, responses and solutions • Health status and physical or mental ability; • Migration status; • Ethnicity or race.

These overlapping identities influence how individuals access resources, the risks they face and the types of support they require. Furthermore, crises often expose and intensify existing patterns of exclusion and marginalization for many groups. For example, a young migrant woman with a disability may encounter multiple, compounding barriers that differ significantly from those faced by others in the same crisis. In addition to individual overlapping identities, the broader social, economic, political and environmental conditions play a critical role in shaping individual experiences and barriers to access. These factors determine not only the degree of vulnerability but also the capacity of individuals to access long-term solutions to displacement. a Despite widespread acknowledgement of this by responders and experts, critical data gaps persist for key groups such as women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities. These data gaps are widely attributed to limited resou